Cruddas is right about the BNP

Yesterday acquittal of the BNP’s Nick Griffin from charges of inciting racial hatred raises all sorts of questions about how progressive politics deals with the rise of the far-right in Britain. According to Gordon Brown we need to do “whatever we can to root it out (racial hatred) from whatever quarter it comes.” He is right of course. The question is how is this best achieved?

One way is to address some of the underlying causes that have resulted in many traditional Labour supporters taking refuge in the policies of the far-right. As people like Jon Cruddas have pointed out, one reason for the growing support for the BNP has been its ability to respond to and exploit genuine local grievances, such as the end of funding for a project in a white area in Mixenden, or the lack of affordable housing on the Isle of Dogs. Cruddas is right when he argues that the BNP is often successful in what he describes as the ‘forgotten’ white areas, areas where many traditional Labour supporters say that they feel alienated from modern political discourse and have long been of the view that no one in the Labour party is listening to them let alone concerned about them.

I think it is true to argue that all too often there is a lack of what might be described as a “safe space” for ordinary working people to air their feelings – they often struggle to find the language to say what they want without being thought of or even accused of being a racist. It is also true to say that the BNP often finds support in a context of significant problems: high unemployment, deprivation, lack of educational achievement, high crime rates, drugs, and people of different ethnic backgrounds living apparently separate lives which encourages the growth of myths and rumour. One leaflet used in the May local elections in Dagenham asked voters, “Are you concerned about the growth of Islam in Britain? Make May 4th referendum day.” It added, “Defend Our Christian Culture.”

It is sobering to remember that at these local elections back in May the BNP gained 11 seats in east London, 3 seats in Stoke-on-Trent and picked up enough elsewhere to hold 46 council seats in England. This of course follows the dramatic 2002 local election successes in the North of England and a 4.9 per cent showing in the Euro elections in 2004. For the first time ever in this country, an openly racist party has sustained the support of more than one in 20 British voters over several contests. I believe that the BNP is evidence of a new challenge in British politics. In the past the battle ground (sometimes literally) of left vs right politics centred on our inner-cities – this is no longer the case. The BNP has begun to develop a network of suburban supporters, people who are openly willing to admit not only to supporting a racist and bigoted political party but to doing so with pride and patriotic fervour.

So just exactly how should the progressive centre deal with the rise – however small and incremental – of the far right? Some areas, notably Oldham, have shown that a resolute and unrelenting local campaign led by the council, local MPs, religious and voluntary groups, businesses and the local media can help blunt the BNP’s message of despair and alienation. At the May local elections the BNP put up three candidates in Oldham. None was elected.

What is certain is that the advance of the BNP can be stopped — as the experience of some parts of the country has already shown — but it requires a united, cross-party, multi-racial, multi-faith effort, and most importantly an effective political strategy. The BNP is a fascist party and it is incumbent on any broad anti-fascist movement in this country to unite and lead the great majority of society who feel repulsed by the rise of such parties. The aim must be to defeat them before they come anywhere near influencing the national political agenda let alone achieving political power. This cannot be done without taking on, and defeating, their political arguments. Last year’s general election and this year’s local election results have confirmed the continuing rise of the BNP. However it also remains the fact that they have yet to make the kind of breakthrough into mass politics achieved by the far right in much of the rest of the Europe. However, if present trends continue, they will make that breakthrough and it will then be far more difficult to reverse than to stop it before it occurs. What Britain needs is a broad anti-fascist coalition, a new coalition of the willing. This broadest possible coalition against the BNP must be constructed nationally, regionally and locally. It needs to involve trade unions, black, Asian and minority ethnic communities, faith groups, lesbian and gay groups and every other community threatened by the rise of the far right.

Comments

[Mike Bennett]

I don't think a coalition of the willing is the answer - I would suggest that you should go for the root causes. Why are the poorest so disaffected?

Many outside government argue that the ever widening gap between rich and poor that this government has worked for - means serious hardship for the lowest levels of our society.

Labour has its roots in things like "The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists" which show graphically how capitalism extract the money from the poor. And how capitalism intrinsically lacks a heart which can be provided by politicians. Like Tony Benn for example - I feel a care for people from him in contrast to many on the front bench of all parties.

So I suggest that you have the solution in your article - just not in your conclusion. It's responding to genuine local grievances.

Surely what politicians should be doing anyway?

[el tom]

I think that noth of you are right. We have to combat the root causes, here Cruddas is certainly right. Where he is also right is that we need to harness activism.

Unite against fascism is too SWP dominated, much like it's predecessor; but this doesn't stop people joining and turning it our way. Searchlight is an excellent organisation which is too small.

Labour people need to combine a labour-centric approach outside of these coalitions, as well as making policy which looks after those left behind, as opposed to giving them a kicking. In this respect, I have to say that I don't think centrism is an answer. Only the politics of the left can defeat fascism.

But Labourites must be willing to look beyond sectarianism, and win the anti-BNP coalitions for the sensible, without cutting people out.

[snowflake5]

If the "BNP is often successful in what he describes as the ‘forgotten’ white areas", how do you explain the BNP presence in prosperous leafy Tory-dominated Epping Forest?

It's a mistake to think that economic woes are at play here - lets not forget that from an economic point of view, things have never been better, never have so many had a chance to work. If poverty was the root cause, then 1993 would have been the moment the BNP took hold.

What's more likely is that 9/11 and 7/7 gave certain racist types "permission" to express their views. There is less of a taboo about being BNP now because a certain sector feels that these arn't prejudices (which by definition are irrational) but that their suspicions about the Islamic community that are vindicated.

And while the "War on Terror" goes on, with a very high profile, it will be very difficult to argue that Islamophobia is irrational. And if we can't argue that it's irrational, we can't defeat the BNP.

[Angela PInter]

The above comments and Cruddas are prefect examples of political evasion.
It is no good condemning the BNP without condemnning the conditions which gave rise to their growing support.
The responsiblity for this falls on the Labour Party at local and national level.
Itis trure that things have never been better but there are growing inequalities. And the greatest burden is falling on the working class. In particular the benefits of inward migration go to the wealthiest while the costs especially at local level fall on the poorest in the poorest areas.

We need a dose of realism andnot more slogans about how bad the BNP are.
The possibility of a mature debate is remote when any critical comment is apparently closed down by use of the term 'racist'(sic).

[Bob Piper]

I don't think the rise of the BNP can necessarily be related to poverty. In fact in sandwell where the scum have four seats, they play on the all-white aspiring working class vote. The BNP, like the NF before them, tend to come to the fore when Labour are in power. The racist vote drifts away from the Tories and leads to a surge in voting for other 'right' parties, such as the BNP and UKIP. Angela argues the BNP's case in the same way the ghastly Tony Parsons did on This Week recently: Immigration harms the poorest and benefits the middle classes, therefore Labour should stop immigration and the BNP would disappear.

It is a compellingly simplistic argument, and one Labour, and the other anti-fascist groups Mike Ion mentions, must confront.

[David]

So it is not before time that Labour Friends of Searchlight are putting together a country wide organisation to counter their threat.

It is time for us all to get involved and make it a big success so Labour stays the lead anti fascist party and leads the counter campaigns.