|
|
« April 2009 |
Main
| June 2009 »
Anyone visiting
the Irish capital this week will be immediately struck by the proliferation of
campaign posters touting candidates and parties taking part in both the local
and European elections on 5 June. In marked contrast to the UK, fixated upon
the expenses trauma and looking right ahead to the next general election, Irish
media and society are abuzz with election talk. The visibility and seriousness
of campaigning for local councils and especially the European parliament struck
me upon visiting Dublin this week. Rather than overlooking or even lambasting
the European parliament, the Irish public seem to have fully grasped the
importance of broad participation in the European elections. The economy’s
meteoric rise during the ‘Celtic Tiger’ years, and its subsequent nose-dive in
the global recession, has convinced Irish society of the huge impact European
issues can have on everyday life. Smaller countries
and economies like Ireland have the most to gain and lose from participation in
Europe, a factor that probably plays a large role in their comparatively strong
interest in the upcoming poll. Their pivotal role in deciding the Lisbon
Treaty’s fate can’t hurt, either.
The 5 June poll may also tell us more about the future
of governance in Ireland, in much the same way the 4 June UK polling is seen by
British pundits as a bellwether for the general election. Fianna Fáil, the
current ruling party, have seen their electoral popularity crashing in the wake
of the recession. An Irish colleague remarked that, while their posters boldly
proclaim their candidates’ names, the party name is reduced to small print: a
sure indicator of the public’s angry mood toward their current leaders. Rather than
primarily benefiting Fine Gael, the ‘traditional’ opposition, opinion polls
indicate that Labour (the country’s third largest party) and independent
candidates are surging ahead to fill the void created by Fianna Fáil’s fall
from grace. This is significant; instead of creating a space for xenophobia and
the right wing to rear its ugly head, the recession in Ireland appears to be
boosting the pro-European left in the electoral guise of the Labour Party. The
results of next week’s election will tell us much about the tide of politics in
Ireland, including this autumn’s expected Lisbon Treaty referendum. If opinion
polls and campaign posters are any reliable indication, it may mean big gains
for progressive actors and ideas. The Celtic tiger is stirring; this should be
an interesting election outcome to watch.
In the wake of the Sri Lankan army's military defeat of the Tamil Tigers, President Rajapaksa has made statements promising a programme of sweeping democratic reform and development for the Tamil areas devastated by years of war. If the government holds to these pledges, a self-sustaining peace may yet take root in Sri Lanka. The conundrum faced by Britain, other governments, and international organisations is how to take seriously allegations of human rights abuses that are the inevitable outcome of decades of war then brought to an end by crushing military action, while balancing the demands of peacebuilding and moving forward with the political realities on the ground. Jeremy Page, writing in the Times, today called for sanctions against Sri Lanka and an end to favourable trading rights that give the country's industries an edge in reaching EU markets. Meanwhile, Tamil protesters in London continue to demand government condemnation and action against the Sri Lankan government. Sanctions, however, are not the answer. They hardly ever work to punish or impede the people they are intended to, and often end up hurting the population the imposer of sanctions claims to champion. Sri Lanka's civil war, at least in the beginning, was rooted in a lack of opportunities for a young population with human development levels among the highest in the region at that time, not in some inevitable ethnic hatred. To impede employment chances for Tamil and Sinhala with sanctions in the name of human rights would help to recreate many of the conditions that sparked instability and violence in the first place. Working through the United Nations, in partnership with the Sri Lankan government, is a preferable route forward to address the myriad issues faced by countries emerging from conflict. Through such a process, grievances generated by the war can be exposed and addressed, and human rights abuses by all sides dealt with in ways sensitive to the demands of both justice and reconciliation. Now is not the time to disengage from relations with the Sri Lankan government or the UN, which Mr. Page maligns as feeble and ineffective, but to use such avenues to foster a just and lasting peace. Much depends on the willingness of the Sri Lankan government to engage in the process, especially if the UN's Peacebuilding Commission is to be put to effective use. Therefore, diplomatic pressure must be applied and potential human rights abuses must not be ignored. However, imposing sanctions and unilateral 'punishment', without utilising the actually effective and thoughtfully designed institutions and processes available, would not be a progressive or particularly effective way of helping to foster a self-sustaining peace in Sri Lanka.
One of the most striking features of the
Obama campaign was the enormous influence and involvement of young people from
the start. While the dramatic souring of the economy in the months leading up
to election day (in addition to the Palin factor) certainly helped win over
many older, middle-of-the-road voters to the Obama camp, the same cannot be
said about his younger supporters. Polls suggest they hold more socially
liberal views, and are more open to an expanded role for government in addressing
social injustices, than their older counterparts. Of course, this wasn’t the
only reason nearly 70 per cent of them voted for Obama. The movement behind the
democratic candidate spread almost virally, with facebook groups appearing even
before his official candidacy was launched. The campaign didn’t just reach out
to young people; young people were a key driving force behind the campaign. And
while the administration hedges on some issues, like LGBT rights, young people
continue to push a progressive agenda through organisations and their own
social networks, making for a healthier, more vibrant democratic society in the
process.
What does this mean in a British context?
Youth engagement with politics offers a real chance to strengthen the vibrancy of
British and European democracy, while contributing innovative ideas that can
help us all. An awareness that simply giving a speech to a youth wing of a
party is not enough; young people must be met where they are, rather than waiting for them to connect with ‘traditional’
structures of engagement that they may perceive as unresponsive or irrelevant.
Overcoming this apprehension requires increasing opportunities for young people to contribute their
energy at the local, British, and European levels. The benefit of doing so is two-fold.
First, new ideas can help to invigorate institutions increasingly viewed as
irrelevant, with the benefit of increasing their responsiveness and relevance
to the citizenry. Second, engagement breeds familiarity and knowledge of
these institutions and helps young people to see why they are so important,
creating long-lasting commitment to their upkeep. Britain’s place in Europe in
particular would benefit from active youth involvement, ensuring commitment to and
further building of a healthy and responsive European level democracy. With public wariness of
politics and governance reaching new heights, engaging with the young in new
ways from the grassroots up will strengthen and secure our democratic community
into the future.
The just under two hours I spent watching ‘In the Loop’, though at times cringe-inducing, were most certainly a comic treat. The film works because it is such an obvious, over-the-top farce of the run up to the Iraq war. While I smugly reveled in the countless allusions to reality, the extreme caricature allowed me to suspend my own judgments on the war and simply enjoy the film. I found I could laugh at and belittle the characters representing those we all love to hate, and do the same for those whom I and many others might feel more ambivalent about in reality. As an American, I had the added delight in knowing that the arrogant and idiotic attitudes on display in Washington are firmly in my nation’s past. Gone are the days when America’s trusted allies are seen as no more than ‘meat in the room’, as the film puts it. At least, I hope so, and hope is after all the order of the day in the USA. Yet another cinematic glimpse into the British view of our politicians and bureaucrats only reconfirms what I have long suspected: you’ve got us figured out! Anyone with background in Washington or London will enjoy, and probably recognise, the cast of supporting characters that make up the ‘In the Loop’ universe. The two young assistants at the State Department were archetypes of public service career hopefuls I know well from DC life. The idealistic liberal who believes rationality and meticulous research can win the day earned my empathy, while the disconcerting heartland conservative opportunist is a type I am sadly also all too familiar with. As anyone in politics knows, all these ‘behind the scenes’ characters help to make our capitals run and are the human faces usually unseen behind press releases and the pomp of officialdom. So it is with ‘In the Loop’, where these supporting players provide the comic substance that keep the laughs coming and plot moving between violent outbursts and sly plotting from the headliners who too often steal our attention in art as in life.
While much uncertainty still surrounds the current swine flu outbreak,
the episode does highlight the importance of key values and policies
the Labour Party has long championed. Foremost, the pandemic reconfirms
the interconnected nature of our global society. Countries, and their
own peculiar problems, do not exist in isolation from the rest of the
world. Consequently, international institutions able to coordinate
action, share information, and make collective decisions are vital for
protecting humanity from threats ranging from influenza to climate
change. We are fortunate that this outbreak comes in the aftermath of
the SARS and avian flu scares; as a result, frameworks for cooperation
already exist and function. Disengagement and isolationism, be they
from the European Union or any number of bodies, would stifle such
frameworks' effectiveness in crises. Time is of the essence, as the
tragic deaths in Mexico demonstrate. If Britain were forced to
cooperate internationally on an ad hoc basis, a Tory goal in
relation to Europe especially, we would lack the means necessary to
address and prepare for collective threats before they develop. Dealing with problems after they arise, outside of functioning international bodies, is simply not an option. This government has placed global solidarity at the forefront of
its foreign policy. David Miliband, addressing a Fabian audience at
last year's party conference, stressed the importance of a progressive
values-based foreign policy that seeks to alleviate poverty and
underdevelopment worldwide. He reminded that cutting global poverty is
good in its own right, while also serving to make Britain more secure.
Problems that start in the developing world do not end there, even
piggybacking on holidaymakers' flights home. Hopefully, the swine flu
outbreak will also remind us of unfortunate realities. While thousands
of deaths from malaria go daily unnoticed by many in wealthy countries,
swine flu gets our attention for its direct threat to us, even if it
will probably disproportionately impact poor countries. Death from
pandemic disease may be a nightmare prospect for Britons; for millions
of people worldwide it is merely a fact of life. Strong government
commitment to cutting global poverty by working bilaterally, through
the aid 'powerhouse' of the EU, and via the UN and its Millennium
Development Goals, is an ethical mandate and a pragmatic necessity. The
government is to be commended for its stance, which serves to
strengthen British and global security and well-being. If this outbreak
teaches us anything, it should be that these commitments cannot lag
whatever the political vicissitudes of the day.
|
|